40 лет Санкт-Петербургской типологической школе
Шрифт:
(18) Nisto za otbeljazvane, osven ednapodrobnost, kojato sasto ne eosobeno ljubopitna: sleden sam. Ne tvarde
follow.IMPF.PPP.SG.M am
nastojcivo i ne osobeno grubo, no sam sleden(B. Rajnov).
am follow.IMPF.PPP.SG.M
«Nothing to report except one detail which is not particularly strange: I'm being followed. Not really regularly, nor brutally, but I'm being followed».
(19) A xlabat bese pecen<…> po starwhereas bread.the was cook.IMPF.PPP.SG.M according old balgarski obicaj
Bulgarian tradition
«Whereas the bread was baked <…> following some old Bulgarian tradition».
(20) Toj znaese, ce osemdeset dekaraniv<…> bjaxa
he knew that eighty acres fields were
kupuvaniobsto, no slucajnov prodavatelnija
buy.IMPF.PPP.PL in.common but by.chance in of.sale
akt bjaxa pisanisamo na imeto na Valcana.
act were write.IMPF.PPP.PL only at name.the of Valchana
«He knew that eighty acres of field <…> had been bought in common, but that, by pure chance, in the sale document, they had been registered under the sole name of Valchan».
With some merely interrupted processes, the construction becomes compatible with adverbs such as mnogo pati «many times» or cesto «often». The adverbial form is thus incidental to the event and leads to an iterative interpretation. In other words, in the iterative sense, the event is presented as an open class of events in which neither a first nor a last occurrence may be isolated and the resultative state refers to the general result of all these occurrences.
Going back to example (17c), the participle is derived from a secondary imperfective verbal base, and such forms demand an iterative context; the construction thereby denotes a resultative state which originates from an event presented as a closed class of events which has a first and a last occurrence, even though their number is not always specified.
Due to the verb prefix, each event included in the series is analysed as a completed process. The following two examples make apparent the opposition between this meaning (17a) and that of a resultative state (17b):
(21a) <…>ot dva i polovina veka knjazeskijat dom be
of two and half century of.prince.the house was
opozarjavanmnogo paati
burn.IMPF.PPP.SG.M several times
«<…> over two and a half centuries the princely residence has been set on fire several times».
(21b) <…> knjazeskijat dom be opozaren predi dva i
of.prince.the house was bum.PF.PPP.PL before two and
polovina veka *mnogo pati
half century several times
«<…> two and a half centuries ago the princely residence was set on fire».
The other Slavic languages have apparently not developped such a mechanism. Yu. Maslov [1988: 79] points out a few scarce examples such as the following in Polish which does not seem to belong to a paradigm as do those in Bulgarian:
(22) Wqgiel jest wydobywa-n-y
coal is mine.IMPF-PPP-SG.M
«Coal is (being) mined»
Descriptions of Serbo-Croatian show the first two variations pointed out for Bulgarian: (23a) and (24a) refer to the resultative state of an accomplished and completed process; (23b) and (24b) refer to the resultative state of processes which is a simply accomplished, apparently barring iteration:
(23a) Travaje/bila pokosena( *seljakom)
grass is/was cut.PF.PPP.SG.F (peasant.INSTR)
«The grass has been cut».
(23b) Trava je kosena jutros (*seljakom)
grass is cutlMPF.PPP.SG.F morning (peasant.INSTR)
«The grass is cut in the morning (by the peasants)».
(24a) Ku'ca je gradena dva mjeseca (*ljudimi)
house is build.IMPF.PPP.SG.F two months
«The building of the house lasted two months».
(24b) Ku'ca je/bila sagradena za dva mjeseca( *ljudimi)
house is/was build.PF.PPP.SG.F for two months
«The house was built in two months».
In Russian, the constructions with — n/ – tare strongly related to aspect. As rightly stated by Poupynin [1990: 11], the periphrastic passive with an imperfective participle bears very specific aspectual meanings («aspectual particular meaning», [ibid: 131]), due to very specific conditions of syntactic order, lexicon and context. Being unable to convey the notion of process, which is specific to the passive reflexive, an utterance such as (25a) combines two semantic values according to the author [ibid.: 11—2]: that of experience («experiential action») and that of resultant state («resultant state»).
But the use of the reflexive perfective passive such as (25b), which is infrequent and often deemed familiar, is due to
(25a )Koni byli kovarty tol'ko na perednie nogi
horses were shoe.IMPF.PPP.PL only on of.front legs'
The horses had shoes only on their front legs', (lit. the horses were only shod on their front legs) (A. N. Tolstoj).
(25b) Vasa kniga procitaet-sja s
your.NOM book.NOM read.IMPF.PRES-REFL with
udovol'sviem
pleasure-INSTR
«Your book can be read with pleasure».
The meaning of passive process, i. e. one which occurs simultaneously with the speech act, may be conveyed by the reflexive passive. However, this meaning always appears in a marked context and usually has a generic interpretation:
(26) Masinite se remontiratv momenta
machines.the REFL repair.IMPF.PRES.3PL in momentthe
«The machines are being repaired right now».
While both passive constructions may be used with the same verb root, their aspectual meaning is different. Thus, in Bulgarian, for example, the construction with the perfective participle expresses a resultative state ((27a), (28a)) and stands in sharp contrast with the notion of event conveyed by the reflexive aorist passive ((27b), (28b)); whatever the lexical meaning of the verb, the aorist does not imply a resultative state.
(27a) Vinoto bese izpito (ot tvoite prijateli)
wine.the was drink.PF.PPP.SG.NEUTER (by your.the friends)
«The wine was drunk by your friends».
(27b) Vinoto se izpi (ot tvoite prijateli)
wine.the REFL drmk.PF.AOR.3SG (byyour.the fnends)
«The wine was drunk by your friends».
(28a) Xljabat bese izjaden s udovolsvie
bread.the was eat.PF.PPP.SG.M with pleasure
«The bread got eaten up with pleasure».
(28b) Xljabat se izjade s udovolsvie
bread.the REFL eat.PF.A0R.3SG with pleasure
«The bread got eaten up with pleasure».